|Part of The Great War|
Clockwise, Minister Gives Public Address, MDL Rides Trolley in Seso, Troops on the Front, The Komenský Ministry, August Days
|Casualties and losses|
|Thousands||Tens of Thousands||A countable number|
|a. Until July 2, 1919 - b. Till Treaty of Vesso - c. Sporadic Resistance|
The Pollonan Revolution (Czech: Ploňá Revoluce) also known as the Velvet Revolution, was a period of social and political upheaval in the Moravian Empire, modern day Pollona, that lasted from 1917 to 1921. Influenced by the Industrial Revolution and the growing support of liberalism, democracy, and socialism in Maredoratica in the early 20th century, the revolution resulted in the abolition of the 400 year old Moravian Empire and the creation of the Republic of Pollona. The Great Maredoratic War and its affects on the economy and civilian population played a huge role in fomenting unrest. Ultimately, a period of government paralysis and a series of mass demonstrations ignited the Revolution.
The initial phase of the Revolution was marked by protests, strikes, and passive resistance to the reigning princes of the Empire, eventually leading to further violence and anarchy. Historians have called this the "First Phase" of the Pollonan Revolution, which ended when the reigning Emperor of Moravia abdicated in 1919.
Upon the Declaration of the Republic of Pollona, the Revolution entered a far more militant and violent phase. For two years government forces fought off foreign troops, an independence movement in Borgosesia, and internal revolutionaries. The Pollonan Government stabilized by 1921: signing a peace treaty, quelling discontent, and ratifying a new constitution.
Most historians claim the root cause of the revolution was Imperial Moravia's failure to accommodate popular democracy. This is the primary thesis of Jan Civernik's "Anthology of the Pollonan Revolution", the most comprehensive analysis of the Revolution. Civernik argued that the empire "was inherently unstable," but local social and democratic reforms "could have prevented the collapse." Revolutionary historians emphasized the civil war's high degree of class conflict. They saw the revolution as caused by the rising middle and working class, who allied together to destroy the aristocratic order. Once that goal had been achieved, both classes subsequently fought each other.
Today, political and economic researchers like Leviz highlight fundamental crises lurking in the "Old Regime". For Leviz, Moravia "industrialized very rapidly as per capital incomes were doubling every 20 years." But government infrastructure "consistently failed to catch up." An outdated bureaucracy, corruption, haphazard economic planning, and poor urban conditions meant the "social benefits of industrialization were mitigated."
De facto, the Emperor of Moravia was the supreme head of a federal monarchy. In practice, his influence was limited in the Imperial Estates, the local principalities and duchies of the Empire. Most local rulers were unsympathetic to the social reforms advocated in the "liberal south". Their hostility to agrarian causes isolated the conservative peasantry. By 1910, it was clear many local rulers lacked popular approval.
The Industrial Revolution and the new popular press produced new Pollonan journalists, pamphleteers and publishers opposed to the regimes. These liberal and socialist writers fueled public resentment of the autocracy, absolutism, seigneurial privileges, absent landlords, and wealthy industrialists. Ideas of Industrial democracy, socialism, and full equality (social, political, and economic) were spreading in the civil society.
Internationally the Empire was under pressure. Moravia absorbed Borgosesia in the 1800s, but administrative costs and nationalist tendencies continued to escalate. In 1879 and 1886, Moravia fought successful campaigns against Questers, owed to its technological and organizational advantage. But by 1900, many feared Questers would eclipse Moravian power. Previous attempts to challenge Gallan naval supremacy and rival Styrian influence proved inconclusive. The sequence of events leading to the revolution include economic instability and a costly intervention into the Great Maredoratic War.
The Moravian Empire was originally an elective monarchy created in 1492, when the predominately southern and Slavic states of the Swabian Empire split with modern day Styria. Following the Golden Compact of 1739 the Moravian Empire adopted a radical administrative and constitutional structure, creating a modern nation state. In 1804 the Empire annexed the Union of Borgosesia, doubling in size and achieving recognition as a regional power.
In the 1870s and 1880s the Empire experienced new social and political pressures brought on by industrialization. National institutions, such as the civil service, were slow to respond to technological and social change. No department directly oversaw Industry, but there was a Department of Scutage (Scutage was abolished in 1518). Imperial Bureaucracy was notorious for its complexity, corruption, and mismanagement under multiple Prime Ministers. After several decades, in 1896 Imperial institutions were modestly reformed, and introduced competitive examinations. The military was the only branch which consistently met government "modernization" targets up until the Great War. Local institutions were arguably worse: Urban planning and public health lacked any semblance of coordination. Many localities still operated under incorporation laws that had not been updated since 1755.
The question of voting rights threatened to implode the local political system. Roughly 1/6th of the Empire's constituent states were governed by absolutist princes; only some states had parliamentary governments. Enfranchisement of the rising middle and lower classes was heavily fought by ruling elites. By contrast, the central government had a liberal franchise and elements of democratic rule. In the Imperial Diet, the Chamber of Deputies controlled government minsters and had 1 common franchise. The upper house which represented the state aristocracy, the Chamber of Lords, was constitutionally weaker. By the mid 19th century, Emperors ceased most political activity. Ironically the federal system was proto-democratic, governing a less democratic empire. To highlight this absurdity, a renter in Sudenko could vote for a member of the Imperial Diet, but could not vote for a member of the duchy's executive council.
Concerns over inequality, feudal privileges, poverty, and the "working man question" were in national consciousness by 1910. The largest political lobby in the 1910s, SFP, advocated universal suffrage on all government levels. Poor working conditions and haphazard wage structures incentivized laborers to join Moravia's growing trade union movement (legalized in the 1880s). As much as 30-40% of urban laborers, including a majority of factory workers, were unionized. Similar populist demands existed in rural areas: peasants agitated for land redistribution, fixed farm prices, bimetallism, and nationalized banks. Fringe parties like the SDS (Social Democratic Party), the AK (Agrarian Coalition), and the S-Rs (Socialist-Revolutionaries), achieved modest electoral successes.
Scandals within the nobility were common in 20th century Moravia: the most controversial was the Kummau Affair of 1904. In 1904 the sole heir to the House of Kummau died. Local officials put the throne up for public auction. The resulting bribes, plots, and assassinations sparked riots and paralyzed the duchy. Emperor Viliam IV finally ended the crisis by abolishing Kummau altogether. Other disputes in leading noble families ruined the governments of several states and damaged their popularity.
By contrast, the Royal Family distanced itself from the nobility by publicly supporting social reform; members of the Royal Family even acted as lobbyists in public campaigns. Emperor Viliam IV's tempered character and frugality reinforced public perception of a "dignified monarchy." Despite growing disdain for monarchism, Viliam IV's death in 1907 marked the largest public mourning in the Empire's history, drawing a crowd of three hundred thousand. Viliam's popular 32 year old son, Prince Krištof, (Krištof II) ascended to the throne in late 1907 to wide acclaim.
In the General Election of 1911, the incumbent Conservatives were routed by a variety of pro-reform parties. The Liberals, whose manifesto outlined several governmental and administrative proposals, were the clear victors. Emperor Krištof invited the leader of the Liberals, Martin Schrader to form a government. Evidence from Palace Archives talked of the Emperor's "coolness" with the Pact of 1911, and displayed Krištof's personal like of the Liberal leader. Schrader, now Prime Minister, headed a Liberal - Social Democrat coalition, though with a weak majority in the Chamber of Deputies.
Schrader and his Finance Minister, Fredric Bevalc realized their Coalition was inherently unstable, while the Lords frequently veto'ed the Coalition's non-manifesto legislation. The government's uphill battle reached a climax in 1914 when Frederic Bevalc's pension proposals were defeated. As it was attached to a confidence motion, Schrader tendered his resignation to Emperor Krištof while recommending a snap election in 1914. The Coalition won the election, this time with a huge parliamentary majority and with more strength in the Chamber of Lords. Schrader again formed a government.
The Coalition's domestic agenda was quickly sidelined by a series of crises leading up to The Great Maredoratic War. The government initially vied for neutrality in 1914, but popular opinion quickly altered the Cabinet's mind. The Moravian government mobilized its forces in self defense after Styria announced its mobilization in August 1914. Questers: the Empire's longtime rival, declared war on August 15th, 1914. This marked the beginning of the Great Maredoratic War in Alisna: Moravia allied with Berry and Varnia against Galla, Styria, and Questers.
Imperial troops initially favored well on the Fleckenwalder taking enormous casualties at the Battles of Königse, Pyrmont, and Elze Pass. However, fighting reached a stalemate by early summer on the Questarian front, after an initially very fluid front descended into trench warfare. At sea, the the Navy fought several inconclusive skirmishes with Gallan forces along the straights, but were soon bottled up in Brno.
The Empire's transition to wartime production was chaotic. Designated production ministries lacked coordination or the resources to requisition needed supplies and ammunition. Shortages of weapons and artillery shells were common in 1914-1915. Food prices skyrocketed, and government efforts to enforce rationing were variously enforced. Hostility towards conscription and disputes with railroads delayed full mobilization by months. By the autumn of 1915 however, the economic situation stabilized with more skilled economic management. The government successfully implemented a wartime employment plan with the aid of industrialists and the Pollonan Trade Unions, which raised workers pay and improved labor conditions. The government's social policies, once sidelined, were implemented by a series of decrees.
Treasury officials in 1916-1917 informed the Coalition that dramatically higher revenues were needed to finance the broader war effort and the national debt. Finance Minister Bevalc proposed a radical wartime budget to the Diet in February 1918, calling for aggressively increased military spending, new federal welfare programs, and the creation of a wartime farm price scheme for peasants. Funded by a series of new taxes on wealthy individuals and landlords, the "People's War Budget" was particularly audacious. The Lords, conservative and suspicious of the Social Democrats' agenda, defeated the budget, launching a wartime constitutional crisis.
Up until the budget rejection, Emperor Krištof had kept himself out of parliamentary disputes and urged for negotiations between government leaders. Palace Archives later demonstrated that the Palace lobbied principalities to recall obstinate dignitaries in the Lords, and urged members to approve the Coalition's Budget in the interest of wartime security. On the other hand, Schrader petitioned the Emperor to create a slew of "Temporary Peerages," to guarantee the passage of the government's legislation. Emperor Krištof reportedly hesitated, requesting time to examine the Crown's prerogative powers.
On March 3, 1918, with the Lords still refusing to approve the budget, Schrader and his Cabinet staged a defiant walk out from the Diet to the Imperial Palace, intending to resign again. The spectacle drew a large crowed and turned into a armed march on the Palace. The tense situation was resolved when Schrader and the Emperor met on a public balcony. Emperor Krištof made a short speech, promising that he would support the government and the nation during the crisis. Following public jubilation, the mob dispersed.
Schrader remained Prime Minister, and the Emperor announced he would intervene to break the government gridlock. Decrying Schrader's "public manipulation" of the Emperor, Royalists in the Lords began"quorum busting". Petitioners and protesters swarmed the capital as anti-aristocratic feelings surged across the country.
The Social Democratic Party and the Pollonan Council of Trade Unions called for a General Strike on May 9th, 1918 until promised constitutional and social reforms could be enacted. As many as three million people took part in the strikes of May and June 1918. Mass protests overwhelmed local police forces trying to combat arson, looting, and public disorder during the strikes. The critical wartime emergency coupled with mass demonstrations stoked to fears of social chaos. Emperor Krištof, acting on Schrader's advice, instituted a state of emergency in June 1919. Reservists mobilized in Kralové and other major cities to quell unrest, and the Cabinet was allowed to rule-by-decree.
The Red Friday Massacre in June sparked a massive revolt in Silestria against the heavy-handed rule of Duke Jallov. An armed mob overwhelmed the Palace Militia and forced the Duke to abdicate. Dubbed the Assault on Czov Palace, the event is considered the beginning of the Revolution. A "Citizens Directory" was subsequently formed to draft a new constitution for Silestria and move to select a new ruling Duke. Meanwhile, the Citizens Directory sentenced Jallov to life in prison for "numerous crimes against the people." Other aristocrats, clergyman, and politicians in the Duchy were ordered into exile. In the Battle of Ondava, the Imperial Army clashed with the Duchy's Revolutionary Guard to reinstate order. The inconclusive battle meant the government failed to regain control of Silestria, stoking further revolutionary feelings.
An armistice along the Alisnan front in September 1918 allowed the Army and the Cabinet to focus on domestic security. Without a formal peace treaty however, sporadic fighting continued along the Styrian border. The government refused to withdraw troops from the front lines, hindering its ability quell local insurrections. Following the Silestrian rebellion, other radical attacks depose ruling princes in a dozen states.
Schrader's Coalition started fracturing over responses to popular pressures for legal and social reform. Items like welfare, feudal privileges, the war, and fleeting nobles exposed deep divisions in the government. Schrader convinced most of his Cabinet to wait until calm resumed before instituting far-reaching reforms, sharing Emperor Krištof's concern with growing radicalism. Schraders' insistence on restoring order first infuriated Finance Minister Frederic Bevalc. Bevalc resigned from the government, forming the Radical Liberal Party in October 1918 with the rest of his supporters. The national press vilified Schrader's Cabinet, portraying it as rudderless and impotent.
Borgosesian Front and Further Unrest
In the 19th and early 20th century, government policy towards Borgosesian nationalism combined the threat of military force and reconciliatory policies. Governments passed relief bills eliminating restrictions on Catholics, while enhancing social conditions for the Borgosesian people. Legislation granting special status to the Italian regions was enacted by the Imperial Diet in 1912, but its implementation was delayed with the onset of the War.
During the war, the popularity of Moravian rule in Borgosesia gradually declined, particularly in several regions close to the Styrian front. The MLB("Movimento per la Liberazione di Borgosesia"), attracted massive popular support from Italian speaking regions for promising a restoration of the Republic.
On January 30th 1919, the MLB and its allies seized the city of Seso and published the Borgosesian Declaration of Independence. Rather than accepting special status within the Empire, the new Seso Republic announced a dissolution of all ties with the Pollonan regions. After forming Provisional Army, the Republic declared it would reclaim territory by force of arms if necessary. Local Borgosesian princes allied with with the Moravian Government, fearing a loss of control. The Imperial Army and Borgosesian princes allied together and fought the Seso Republic in battles outside Civiasco, Scopello, and Valsesia. Most historians consider the Borgosesian War of Independence as a branch phase of the Pollonan Revolution.
In Moravia, republican elements mobilized following Borgosesia's Declaration of Independence. The Free Workers Union, the Insurrectionist League, and the Pollonan Communist Party formed a worker's militia known as the Red Guard. In a pamphlet titled "The Necessity of Combat" the Red Guard called for a proletarian revolution.
Republican and socialist sympathizers maintained large support base in Silestria, the epicenter of the Revolution. The state directory in January 1919 proposed a constitutional republic until a new monarch could be selected; without any suitably radical provisions the draft proposal proved unacceptable to more militant groups. The Red Guard forcibly dissolved the Silestrian Directory on February 21st, 1919. A new "People's Convention" of left-leaning dignitaries, communists, and radical socialists proclaimed Silestria a "Social Republic," on March 25th. The new convention retried the (deposed) Duke Jallov, and ordered his immediate execution.
The firestorm of anti-aristocratic fervor cascaded to other principalities. In March 1919 three states: Bergen, Náchod, and Vysocina, transitioned to republican governments and formed a Triple Alliance (independent of the Red Guard), which called upon all "national republicans" to quell the "anti-democratic forces" of monarchism and communism. The Alliance attacked several Army strongholds dangerously close to the capital while simultaneously fighting the Red Guard in states like Silestria.
Fighting multiple different insurgencies, officials in Kralové were gradually overwhelmed. In late April 1919 the government published a report citing instances of total anarchy in the country, including a tripled rise in the number of thefts, murder, property crimes, and assaults on police. On May 22nd, the Imperial High Command warned the government of a potential mutinies in the Army and Navy unless they received back-pay and additional rations. The reports paralyzed the Cabinet, now gripped with despair and hopelessness. The incidents forced a response from Emperor Krištof, who believed his situation was untenable. On July 1st, 1919, the Emperor announced his immediate abdication via radio address to all of Moravia. Krištof assumed full responsibility for the civil disorder, government paralysis, and widespread anti-monarchic feeling. As the Emperor refused to name a successor, many realized the Emperor was abolishing his position. Dubbed "the most important speech in Pollonan History," the Emperor's motives in abdicating are still hotly debated by historians.
The Diet was summoned the following day to discuss the crown's vacancy. The S-Rs tabled a motion for a "Constitutional Congress," for a new state as the Empire was "dead in the eyes of the people." The motion attracted broad support from reform minded deputies, including Bevalc. Schrader announced his withdrawal from any further proceedings, refusing to denounce the proceedings but stating the Cabinet had to manage the ongoing military crisis. Right-leaning representatives accused the government of coercing the Emperor's abdication, and walked out of the Diet. The remaining rump-body declared itself the "National Assembly of Pollona." Thus, on July 2nd 1919 the National Assembly formally abolished the Moravian Empire and declared "The Republic of Pollona."
The National Assembly continued in session, and over the course of a week removed all hereditary privileges, incorporated a body of worker's rights, adopted Morivaine measurements, switched to the Republican Calendar, proclaimed a laicite government, and granted universal suffrage to men and women. However, the Assembly immediately re-issued all Imperial military commissions with Pollonan ones, and promised all current civil servants employment if they pledged loyalty to the Republic.
Provisional Government and Zmatek (1919-1921)
Immediately, the National Assembly pledged it would not dissolve until a new constitution could be submitted for popular ratification. An interim series of administrative acts known collectively as the July Articles created a "temporary" semi-Presidential system. The Assembly appointed Fredric Bevalc as acting President of the Republic, with sweeping discretion over the national administration. Bevalc dismissed Schrader's Cabinet and installed the radical Liberal Lubomír Klima, as the Republic's first prime minister. This new government, in an emergency powers bill, extended conscription, suspended most civil liberties, and declared its continued fight against "occupying powers", the Seso Republic, and anti-republican insurgents (monarchist and communist alike).
The new state faced a plague of immediate military problems. Trade unionist and socialist leaders, radicalized by the revolution, vow to defend against the "bourgeois dictatorship." In June 1919, ninety thousand left-wing activists joined communist-backed militias to fight the government. Smaller, but still well organized monarchists, particularly ex-military generals, caused further dislocation. As the main clashes were with foreign troops, and Borgosesian rebels, the demoralized Pollonan military was simply overwhelmed. In response, Kilma Cabinet re-organized the Imperial Moravian Army into the APR (Armáda Ploná Republika), streamlining the Army's organization and logistics chains. More offices were selected by merit, and higher pay promised for longer tenures. By the fall of 1919 the reorganized APR make gains against Styria, stabilized the Questarian front, and recaptured several Borgosesian cities. On the domestic side, government security forces fought insurgents to a stalemate.
Economically, Pollona maintained its wartime economic controls. Rationing extended to almost all Consumer goods, including basic foodstuffs. Foreign trade all but collapsed due to the government instability. Whatever banks were left open went into "mandatory receivership," so in practice banking institutions permanently closed.The various Cabinets in 1919 instituted three day weeks to conserve critical coal and oil supplies for the military. Chaos in Industry continued with fraught relationships between the government and workers councils. Many industrial workers and unions had collectivized factories, and collectively exerted their autonomy by refusing to cooperate with government dictates. In response, the government forcibly nationalized some industries, often in violent clashes of workers and army units. Overall the country's economy contracted sharply. Industrial production fell 40% below its peak in 1916. Agricultural output fell to 1905 levels. Monthly inflation averaged double digits. By 1921 the new Pollonan dolar was worth 10% of its 1919 value. Unemployment rose to 20% of the workforce.
Throughout "The Chaos," government instability pervaded as the rump National Assembly fractured over basic administrative and constitutional questions. Responsible government was almost non-existent as the parties fought over cabinet posts, administrative orders, economic reforms, special interest projects. This lead to unstable government coalitions and political crises ever few months, with little control over backbench members. Bitter constitutional debates over federalism, the new legislature, the executive branch, and the rights of ethnic minorities made most constitutional compromises short-lived. During the Revolution there were no fewer than 8 different Premiers, and several failed constitutional drafts. At the same time the civil service went unpaid, most judicial offices were left unfilled, and public protests erupted over unpopular policies.
Bevalc's authoritarian governing style created more political problems. The President habitually removed Cabinet ministers he disagreed with, as the Assembly rejected his candidates for the premiership. Bevalc's Radical Liberal ministries collapsed over unpopular measures like state atheism, nationalization, and continued fighting with Seso. The RLP found itself hopelessly outmaneuvered in the Assembly as its popularity evaporated. In response, Bevalc undermined his political opponents as much as possible, to the detriment of the government.
Resurgence of the Right
By winter 1919 the rump National Assembly had still been unable to pass a constitution. To break the political deadlock, the Liberal prime minister Erik Horacek forced Bevalc to call a general election for a new National Assembly. Prominent right-wing politicians, like Ludvik Rybář urged rightest parties to fight and secure "a break on the radical project altogether". The ensuing elections resulted in massive electoral gains for the right wing. To signal this changing political atmosphere, on March 14th 1920 the National Assembly appointed a Royalist, Anton Komenský, as prime minister. Komenský's ministry deftly navigated the Assembly in securing broad social consensus. Komenský opened up peace negotiations with neighboring powers even before his appointment, sidestepping President Bevalc. In the Treaty of Vocca, Pollona recognized Seso's independence, Styria ceded several border regions to Pollona and Seso, and foreign governments agreed to withdraw their troops from Pollonan territory. The Treaty of Vocca, in effect, dissolved the Moravian Empire.
Peace with foreign powers relieved much of Pollona's war-weary population. The Komenský ministry issued a wide range of new laws. In May, the Cabinet ratified "peace agreements" with the workers cooperatives and authorized banks to reopen. The ministry enacted a series of temporary aid programs forworkers and demobilizing soldiers in July. In August, the government pushed the Assembly into reversing Pollona's aggressive state atheism, reinstating the Gregorian Calendar, and suspending trials against aristocrats. Old Regional assemblies in the north and east, suspended by the APR, were fully reinstated in September. The re-vitalization of pre-war trade allowed the government to ease rationing restrictions on meat, dairy, coal, and paper. By the end of Komenský's tenure, the currency had stabilized and the economy showed signs of a healthy recovery.
Komenský tendered his resignation in January 1920, despite widespread popularity. The cabinet failed to unite around a draft constitution, and Komenský deeply distrusted President Bevalc. Komenský governed for 10 months, the longest serving Prime Minister of the Zmatek period. Komenský's last act was the creation of MZS, Pollona's international and domestic spy agency.
The end of the Royalist ministry ended what little chance the Monarchy's supporters had of reinstating the Empire. In December 1920 the Royal Family, under guard in Liberec since July the previous year, secured safe passage to Sondstead. Both Schrader and Komenský opted to stay, withdrawing from the public eye.
Pollona still grappled with communist insurgents and poor public finances. Ruling out further inflation as politically dangerous, successive Cabinets ended military aid programs, sharply cut most government spending, and introduced new taxes over 1921. The benefit cuts, combined with increased scrutiny over the Army's conduct, infuriated APR regiments; a veterans march in Liberec was brutally suppressed by Riot Police in February 1921. The deaths of 12 civilians caused a national scandal which ultimately brought down the conservative Rybář Ministry.
Final Turmoil and New Constitution
The Republic itself nearly collapsed during the August Days of 1921. Continued governmental instability, and threats of non-payment, convinced elements of the APR that a military intervention was necessary to keep order. President Bevalc relayed a series of messages to several conspiring generals in the Army, asking for support in a coup against the National Assembly. In return, the President promised the 7 co-conspirators each a military governorship for a Pollonan region, along with bonus pay. The Republic's new Intelligence Service, MZS, discovered the plot in advance and warned the Cabinet. On August 3rd, rouge elements of the APR seized the Assembly chamber in Liberec and held key national institutions for several days. The conspirators were ultimately defeated by popular protests and the intelligence services. When Bevalc's role in the plot was uncovered, he was placed under house arrest by the Judicial Police and "suspended" from office.
The August Crisis marked a surge in party unity to finally address the constitution. Former Prime Ministers like Schrader and Komenský publicly called on the nation to end the lull of crisis government. Finally, in October 1921, Prime Minister George Ruziska (of the centrist Agrarian Coalition) secured the necessary votes in the National Assembly to send a constitutional draft to the people.
The new document, dubbed the Basic Law, guaranteed a democratic, republican government. The Basic Law would retain federalism in Pollona but amalgamate smaller principalities into larger, more manageable states. The Basic Law would provide for separation of powers and a parliamentary system of government, while listing a variety of civil liberties and maintaining Pollona's independent judiciary.
In addition to the Basic Law, the National Assembly modified the legal code, confirming property transfers made during the revolution. This included land obtained by peasants, newly incorporated workers cooperatives, and housing seized in urban areas.
On November 22nd, voters approved the constitution and elected Ruziska as President. In the subsequent general election, Komenský's Democratic-Conservative Party won in a landslide. President-elect Ruziska began his first radio broadcast by declaring:
The Revolution marked a dramatic social and cultural shift from the late-Moravian Empire to the beginnings of the Pollonan Republic. The Pollonan experience would go on to inspire similar Alisnan upheavals like the Questerian Revolution in the 1990s. Ideas about social class, democracy, human rights, and economics were instrumental in shaping the Pollonan state in the decades following the revolution.
Land redistribution, reformed labor laws, and new welfare programs resulted in higher incomes and better living conditions for the lower quartiles of society. The wider middle class society made smaller advances, but benefited with better urban conditions, expanded educational opportunities, and greater socio-economic mobility. Historian Leoš Vesely's book, "The Lion De-Crowned: Moravian Society in the Post-War Era" outlined some of the major consequences of the Revolution:
- Expansion of Liberalism and Popular Sovereignty: Specifically the end of monarchical governments and the creation of new liberal democracies like the Pollonan Republic and the Seso Republic in modern Borgosesia (though the Seso Republic would remain unstable). Absolutism was to be replaced with the idea that governments must maintain the consent of the people.
- Triumph of Equality: According to Vesely not in a literal sense, but triumphed in the the popular mindset. Legal equality was achieved via the abolition of feudal privileges, formal class divisions, and the aristocracy. A subsequent economic boom lead to massive reduction in wealth inequality post-revolution. Popular opinion and politicians dubbed the dawn of a new "classless society".
- Nationalism: This includes public consciousness of ethnic identities, a major factor in the later Red Spring.
- Efficient Administrative Structures: The Revolution swept away the Empire's antiquated and unreformed bureaucracy. The creation of new nation states necessitated new institutions, many of which were streamlined and more manageable. Local government reforms in particular were highly successful.
- The Creation of a New, Mass Culture: In short, post-Revolution Pollona and Borgosesia overturned the socially conservative and traditionalist culture of the Moravian Empire. Both countries experienced the growth of new forms of literature, cuisine, music, philosophy, and social attitudes. Gender equality; the popularity of music styles like Jazz, Ragtime, and Swing, mass consumerism, moral relaxation, new art styles all defined "post-revolution culture".
- The Moravian Diaspora: As many as fifty to sixty thousand people emigrated during the revolution, mostly to countries like Galla, Questers, and Sondstead. Mostly aristocrats and members of the deposed nobility, the influx and intermarrying among local elites infused the emigres' countries with old, Moravian culture.
- Hostility to authoritarianism and military rule: The August Days and the Bevalc Presidency engrained a fear of authoritarianism and military dictatorship. Post-Revolution Pollona vastly curtailed the independence of the military and the executive branch. Later abuses of executive power in Pollona would be met with the same severity.
- Acceptance of Industrial Democracy: Ideas of mass democracy increasingly filtered into an industrial setting. Participatory management, or co-determination of workers and management, became enshrined in law. Though never a plurality of industries in Pollona, worker's cooperatives were respected. The post-revolution consensus largely accepted the importance of voluntary trade unions.
- Rise of Local Democracy: The Revolution unleashed a new network of voluntary societies, charities, local councils, and political committees. Pollonans would come to value local democracy as inherently superior.
- Belief in a Strong, Independent Judiciary